The Ulster Gazette reports this week that the Conservative candidate for Bolton West, Susan Williams, is the daughter of a Keady man. Mrs Williams ran into a bit of controversy when it emerged that her husband, Alex, who is also a Tory candidate,
I hope it was a tough one!
On the topic of tough questions keep an eye out for a local edition of the Daily Politics on Monday in which Jim Fitzpatrick and myself endeavour to put some candidates through their paces on non-economic aspects of the campaign (an edition dealing with the economy was broadcast earlier this week).
Spotted in TUV literature - a headline which promises "A New Deal At Stomont". I'd say that must be a voluntary collision.
With the campaign entering its final days, we are still waiting to see if and when David Cameron will visit. But maybe it's Gordon Brown who should have taken a stroll around Belfast. If he had, he might have spotted the Alliance posters with the logo "Respect Works, Bigotry Costs". It would have been good advice before he made those costly comments about Mrs Gillian Duffy.
The Greens relied heavily on some excellent cartoons in their Now Alliance has come up with their own animation of a flying through the air. Is it a bird, is it a plane? No, it's the Mayor of Belfast.
UPDATE: On the topic of graphic art, I've just had this supposed DUP SATNAV sent to me by the TUV. I await the DUP's contrasting traffic directions.
I'm told a woman voter turned up at an Upper Bann primary school this morning ready to do her democratic duty. The somewhat puzzled caretaker pointed out the election isn't until next Thursday. You may no longer be able to vote often, but you can at least try to vote early.
Such keenness contrasts with the general apathy I found in Antrim earlier this week, where the majority of people I approached in the street told me they had no intention of voting.
First of all - thanks DT2004. You got me. Regular readers of these Diaries know I'm not beyond a typo or two.
Second, the Conservatives and Unionists have hit back, pointing out that in the economy section of their manifesto the DUP say "we need low interest rates and must reign back public spending and invest more wisely."
Yes that's "reign" as in the thing Queen Victoria did for a long time, rather than "rein" as in govern, restrain, control or the thing you pull on when your horse is galloping out of control.
I think I should probably withdraw my candidacy from this spellection on the grounds that you will all be pulling me up next on both my spelling and punctuation. But if you spot any other good ones in anyone's election pamphlets feel free to let me know via the comments page.
The latest election literature gaffe involves spelling rather than photographs - the DUP says both Mike Nesbitt and Trevor Ringland's material includes pledge for "Change in Northen (sic) Ireland Today".
It doesn't stop there - one of the pamphlets which came through my door in Strangford from Mike mispelled his own wife's name as Linda Byrans, a far greater crime!
Meanwhile blogger Ivor Whitten has pointed out that the DUP is still using their and that the Conservatives and Unionists are having some problems with
I see from his tweets that Ivor watched our Northern Ireland election webcast. If you missed it, you can catch it
Sinn Fein launched their manifesto in the Baby Grand on Belfast's Great Victoria Street. Quips about the previous republican contributions to the architecture of the Grand Opera House were confined to the press corps.
Instead of being handed weighty tomes, reporters were given an executive summary and a memory stick. Party officials made much of the environmentally friendly nature of the manifesto. No printed document existed, but the stick contained both a visual and an audio version. The memory stick was 1gigabyte whereas the Conservative and Unionist document, which had also been printed, was 2 gigabytes. Does this mean the latter was heavier on detail, or is it just proof that unionists like GB more than republicans?
Like the other parties, Sinn Fein favours a reduction in local corporation tax. However, instead of acknowledging this would require a cut in the Stormont budget, Gerry Adams argued that should be a matter for negotiation. Despite the prevailing economic climate, he claims the block grant should be increased not reduced. That might stretch even Sinn Fein's negotiating skills.
The manifesto was heavy on devolved policy and Sinn Fein has repeatedly claimed that it can defend local interests by negotiating at Downing Street rather than attending Westminster. So I asked Gerry Adams if this election was irrelevant to the way his party does business. His answer - that voters should pick Sinn Fein to show their backing for their track record of leadership in the peace process.
Other policies included pushing for a referendum on Irish unity, introducing the Euro and banishing "politically driven organisations" such as MI5 and the Serious Organised Crime Agency.
According to the a row is simmering away between Eamonn McCann, the People Before Profit candidate, and Sinn Fein about the right to put election banners up on the iconic site of Free Derry Corner.
Another pictorial disagreement is brewing in Lagan Valley between the DUP's Jeffrey Donaldson and UUP councillors Ronnie Crawford, Bill Gardiner-Watson and John Hanna who have accused Mr Donaldson of using their images in his election literature without their permission.
Alliance launched their manifesto today, and in common with other local parties they were, surprise, surprise, in favour of cutting the local rate of corporation tax. However unlike some others they had tried to estimate what it might cost if the Executive has to make a compensating cut in its budget in order to comply with European rules.
Their best guess is that the local budget would lose out to the tune of £200 million. When I asked David Ford which areas he would cut to make this up, he couldn't tell me. However he argued that the short term pain would be more than compensated by the long term gain.
Interestingly the £200 million figure is exactly the same as the estimate the DUP has been putting on the local impact of David Cameron's £6 billion efficiency drive. Just yesterday Peter Robinson told MLAs that could amount to 2000 job cuts. The Conservatives and Unionists have responded by variously accusing the DUP of scaremongering and hypocrisy.
Some Conservative and Unionist sources claim that at the time of the Hatfield House talks in January the DUP was so keen to take the Tory whip that it offered a deal which would have given the new force Upper Bann and South Antrim on a plate. Oh, how times have changed!
Another section of the Alliance manifesto is entitled "NO to Cheap Populism". This makes it clear that Alliance is not convinced by the deferral of water charges. The manifesto says "Alliance has been straight with the people of Northern Ireland in recognising that the continued deferral of domestic water charges is not financially sustainable It currently creates a cost pressure of £200M per year, which is not met from th Block Grant ". Alliance say such populist measures "reduce the opportunity for investment into public services while neither helping businnesses nor households effectively nor rebalancing our economy".
But whilst Alliance was condemning this as populism, the DUP was publishing a leaflet listing Stormont's achievements. The 30 achievements include such populist measures as freezing the domestic regional rate, freezing busines rates and stopping a separate water charge.
The DUP leaflet also defends the party's decision to share power in March 2007, claiming "the alternative - pursuing an unachievable goal by bringing Stormont down and risking everything that has been achieved - would be madness".
Sinn Fein, meanwhile, launched their Irish language election leaflet in Belfast's Lower Ormeau. Gerry Adams was posing for photographs when a stack of metal chairs fell over with a crash, prompting the Sinn Fein President to quip "sounds like we've lost a couple of seats".
They had no choice, so the Conservatives and Unionists came out fighting. Sir Reg Empey accused the party's opponents who have been exploiting David Cameron's Friday night comments of being "hypocrites" who had voiced similar sentiments themselves.
William Hague followed through insisting rebalancing the economy could take 25 years "to do nothing would be irresponsible. But to do anything too quickly would be reckless too."
Although the row gave the manifesto launch a pugilistic tone, some of the ideas are very similar to those proferred by the other parties - for example, lowering the local rate of corporation tax. However because they know they might be in power the Conservatives and Unionists have had to word this section more carefully and ambiguously than other local parties.
Instead of declaring backing for, say, a 10% or 12.5% corporation tax rate they committ to "produce a government paper examining the mechanism for changing the corporation tax rate". When it comes to making Northern Ireland an economic enterprise zone thisis something they will "look at".
Not a political point per se, but the manifesto lauch was at Mossley Mill, home to Newtownabbey Council and the Theatre at the Mill. Today was my first visit to the Mill and I must say it is a very impressive development, really making the best of the potential in the old mill building.
Should he become Foreign Secretary in a future Conservative government William Hague will be in charge of the UK's relations with Eastern European countries from the former Communist bloc. So is that why he's being sent to Northern Ireland today, for a bit of diplomatic training at dealing with a command economy?
We are expecting him to continue the Conservative and Unionist fightback against criticism of David Cameron's comments, which consists of pointing out that other parties have said similar things about Northern Ireland's reliance on the public sector and insisting the plan to rebalance the local economy is long term. In a Belfast Telegraph article this morning, Mr Cameron talked about the process taking as long as 25 years (something which drew on a previous speech by Owen Paterson). But in the Paxman interview the Conservative leader talked about rebalancing the economy in various regions in the lifetime of one parliament.
Anyway, I'm off to the manifesto launch now - will let you know how it went later.
Since David Cameron cited Northern Ireland as a prime example of excessive state spending in an interview with Jeremy Paxman at the weekend, the other parties (and the public service unions) have been queuing up to kick the Tories. The DUP's Jeffrey Donaldson used today's Politics Show debate to allege this was part and parcel of a Conservative plan to make £6 billion worth of cuts across the UK, whilst the Conservative and Unionist Mike Nesbitt countered by asking how much longer the nation could go on borrowing at the current levels.
The Alliance Deputy Leader Naomi Long used her Inside Politics interview to continue the assault, claiming the Conservatives have an ideological committment to slash public services and make them privately funded. That's been labelled a "disgraceful lie" by the Tories.
With the Conservative and Unionist manifesto due to be launched tomorrow, expect more on this in tomorrow's morning papers.
The SDLP leader Margaret Ritchie rejected my suggestion that she lost last week's TV debate as "nonsense", deriding the debate as a beauty contest. She attacked Gerry Adams' assault on the SDLP's attendance record at Westminster by pointing to his own infrequent appearances at Stormont. She also confirmed she intended to "double job" throughout the next parliamentary term if she is elected as an MP.
Puzzled locals opened their door in Riverdale in West Belfast yesterday afternoon to be greeted by, not Sinn Fein, not the SDLP, but the Nobel Prize winning former Ulster Unionist leader David Trimble, canvassing on behalf of his colleague Bill Manwaring. Lord Trimble says he was greeted politely by the voters some of whom looked pleased to see him. One man told him he was wasting his time, but the Conservative peer says the punter wasn't aggressive and that was the most negative response he encountered.
In fact there's a bit of history to the visit - the young Trimble last canvassed Riverdale back in February 1969 when he was backing Basil McIvor in the then Larkfield electoral area. So yesterday was a return trip - albeit some 41 years later.
The Conservatives and Unionists and the TUV in East Antrim issued a joint statement today claiming their posters had been vandalised - some with the eyes removed. They claimed DUP supporters had "descended into the gutter and appear to have engaged in criminal vandalism". Sammy Wilson hit back, saying no member of his team had been involved, condemning the vandalism but claiming the joint statement smacked of "electoral desperation".
This is far from an isolated incident - others politicians have complained about having their posters removed, burned or defaced.
I wasn't in East Antrim today, but again trudging around South Antrim. In Antrim town centre I found overwhelming disllusionment with politicians of any shade. Sir Reg Empey got his photo taken with striker Mark Hately, who was visiting for a Help The Heroes charity event. The Conservatives and Unionists will emphasise Mark Hately's past as a Glasgow Rangers' legend, but the DUP may remind people that the striker scored the only goal for England during a match at Windsor Park which stopped Northern Ireland qualifying for the World Cup back in the mid 1980s.
Having followed Willie Ross around the campaign trail for (sad to admit) decades, I had to ask him at this morning how things have changed. He used to think tweeting was something birds did when dawn broke. Now he's twittering away. He used to rattle his statements off with a typewriter and carbon paper. Now a hit of the computer button disseminates his "words of wisdom" (his description) to us all instantaneously. Despite that he claims the basic principles - getting out on the doorstep and defending what you believe in - remain the same.
Beyond this trip down memory lane the TUV manifesto launch was interesting in injecting some real disagreement into the campaign.
I'm not just talking about Jim Allister's well documented aversion to power sharing with Sinn Fein (although a ban on ministers who have terrorist convictions and a repeal of the law which could propel Martin McGuinness into the First Minister's office is high on his agenda).
There's also a contrast between the TUV and the "big 4" on economic policy. Whilst one way or the other all the big 4 advocate reducing local corporation tax, the TUV are less convinced. They want all taxes reduced, but expressed scepticism about the corporation tax cut locally on the grounds that it would fall foul of European law, assist big corporations more than small and medium sized businesses and might be the thin end of a nationalist wedge in transferring fiscal powers from Westminster to Stormont.
Other TUV policies include a flat tax (David Vance rejected my query about whether this was a rich man's charter) and a "moratorium on all third world immigration".
Did Alliance's Naomi Long produce tonight's UTV debate between the four main party leaders? I only ask because at lunchtime she put out a statement condemning "tribal politics", then tonight the debate went on air to the strains of Frankie Goes To Hollywood's "When Two Tribes Go To War".
So how did the "Two Tribes" do? Gerry Adams looked more relaxed than Margaret Ritchie, who needs to learn not to read her opening statements. Gerry Adams thought the big unanswered question was why the SDLP's Thomas Burns went to Afghanistan, but others may think his less than informative answers about the IRA beg more questions. Undoubtedly the SDLP's low attendance figures have somewhat blunted their assault on Sinn Fein's abstentionism.
Peter Robinson managed to counter Sir Reg Empey's talk of being part of a future government by suggesting he would be merely lobby fodder for David Cameron. But Reg kept chipping away at scandal and land deals, and although the DUP leader answered him point by point he must nevertheless be annoyed that so much of the programme was taken up by his personal affairs.
Right now Jim Allister is pronouncing it "rather boring". Certainly the difference between our local debate and those across the water is the absence of public feedback - by which I don't mean the studio audience, but the phone polls and on screen "worms" that have given an instant idea of what the voters make of what the leaders are saying. Of course this requires technology and resources, but it's part and parcel of making an election debate a campaign changing event rather than just another TV programme.
I spent today roaming the streets of South Antrim, preparing an election profile for Â鶹¹ÙÍøÊ×Ò³Èë¿Ú Newsline which will be transmitted sometime next week.
The outgoing MP Willie McCrea is, of course, famous for being a gospel singer. But I only learned this afternoon that the SDLP candidate 22 year old Michelle Byrne is also a vocalist, who can sing classical traditional and popular songs and useed to have a residency at a Belfast hotel.
If we were to throw in the Conservatives and Unionists Harry Hamilton, who does a mean Freddy Mercury impression, then the possibility emerges of scrapping the standard debate of the kind UTV are hosting tonight, and replacing it with a "Somewhere Over The Rainbow" style sing off. "William McCrea, you could still be Dorothy".
I'm not sure who will represent Sinn Fein but I am know they have some keen music fans amongst their candidates and back room staff. On which note, my colleague Gareth Gordon was surprised to bump into Gerry Adams on his way into the Green manifesto launch this morning - the Sinn Fein President hadn't defected, but was using the same hotel to prepare for his TV appearances tonight.
We've had the poster battle over the American model Kristin between the DUP and UCUNF. Now another photo war looks about to break out between Sinn Fein and the SDLP. Sinn Fein claims that the photograph of Margaret Ritchie and Barack Obama on the final page of the SDLP manifesto has been airbrushed. The reason? The original (left) features a grinning Martin McGuinness visible over the US President's shoulder.
I wasn't at the SDLP manifesto launch as, since Inside Politics moved to Sundays, Wednesdays are my sabbath. But I am reliably informed by my colleague Martina Purdy that it was a "men in white suits" occasion. Not that anyone came to take Margaret Ritchie or any of her colleagues away, more that the politicians and hacks had to don protective white suits to make their way through the print factory which the party had picked as a venue.
As detailed elsewhere on the the SDLP set similar emphasis to the DUP on cutting corporation tax. With the Conservatives and Unionists also setting great store by this, will the calls for a reduction become any more of a reality on the other side of the election or will they be dashed on the same rocks as encountered at the time of the
Tomorrow night sees the first local leader's election debate on UTV - it will be interesting to see how the leaders line up as one source suggested to a colleague that the SDLP did not want nationalists on one side and unionists on the other, whilst both unionists wanted to be next to Margaret Ritchie rather than Gerry Adams. Not sure how this has been resolved. The Â鶹¹ÙÍøÊ×Ò³Èë¿Ú debate will be two days before the polls open.
Best quote of the day came from Gerry Adams, speaking to Mark Carruthers on Good Morning Ulster. He claimed that Gerry Kelly's maxim, when canvassing with colleagues, was "you kiss the babies, I'll kiss the mummies".
Asked on Evening Extra whether there would be no SDLP response to Sinn Fein's decision to unilaterally withdraw Alec Maskey from the election in South Belfast, Alasdair McDonnell repled "I don't know, you need to ask the SDLP". Which party does the outgoing South Belfast MP belong to again?
Dr McDonnell hadn't had the chance to see it as he'd been out canvassing, but by the time he was on air Margaret Ritchie had already released a statement making it clear that Fearghal McKinney would not be pulling out in Fermanagh.
Then we have Jimmy Spratt's job offer to Paula Bradshaw that she could be South Belfast's new MLA if she would pull out of the race. Paula told Evening Extra she rebuffed the offer after referring it to Sir Reg Empey. Now if Jimmy does get elected and picks someone else to fill his Stormont seat does that make them the second choice for the job?
Alec Maskey's act of unilateral disarmament in South Belfast is a clever turning of the screw by Sinn Fein. His vote would probably have been severely squeezed in any case. But this will improve Alasdair McDonnell's chances, given that the two main unionist parties appear to be too late to seal a Fermanagh deal.
The move ostensibly increases the pressure on Fearghal McKinney to pull out of the Fermanagh race. But with nominations closed at 4pm this now looks more about accusing the SDLP of being vote splitters than achieving a last minute deal.
Oh, and the Azores? Nothing to do with nationalist pacts or stranded air passengers, but a reference to the European court ruling on adopting different rates of corporation tax in a region within a European state. UCUNF sources are arguing that the DUP manifesto's support for lower corporation tax without any compensating cut in the NI bloc grant would be illegal under what is known as the Azores ruling, which set the rules for permissible state aid to any region.
UCUNF say the bloc grant would have to be reduced to comply with the ruling, but DUP sources say the grant could be increased, then cut by a matching amount - thus making no change in the cash we get from Westminster. Whether a government of any complexion would actually increase the grant in these times of budget deficits, though, is very much open to question. A hung parliament may help, but it would have to be hung by a very narrow margin indeed to provide local politicians with the leverage necessary for an increase in our subvention.
Whilst the Icelandic volcano has caused chaos for travellers of all political persuasions and none, locally it seems to be having an especially difficult impact on the Conservatives and Unionists. The Tory spokesman Owen Paterson has been stranded here, unable to return to his Shropshire seat, whilst a growing number of Tory VIPs have had to cancel. The latest today is the Shadow Foreign Secretary William Hague, who joins a long list of volcano no shows including David Willets, Andrew Lansley, ian Duncan Smith and Nick Herbert.
The question is whether the main man, David Cameron, will make it as planned to the UCUNF manifesto launch. Yesterday he couldn't make it to the Scottish launch, having to settle for a video link instead. Dave has told us countless times that he is passionate about the union, but is he passionate enough to take the boat?
Whilst the Icelandic Ash has done more to break the East West link than the IRA ever achieved, a few other thoughts come to mind. What happens, should the volcano continue belching gas for two years, to our newly elected MPs. Traditionally they inhabit the business lounges at Belfast City and Heathrow jetting back and forth to take part in votes and debates. But will they have to decamp to London for months on end in order to participate? Or should we be looking at new technology such as video conferencing (Edwin Poots' idea for future North South meetings) or the secure casting of an MP's vote over the internet?
With interest intensifying in the election, plenty of bookmakers are quoting odds on who might win which seat. drawn up in consultation with the local polling company Lucid Talk. Their polling director Bill White describes it as a "bit of fun" but goes on to say 'our polling methods are much more in-depth than normal polling, and we can therefore guarantee much more accurate results. This skepticism about Polls is probably mostly historical, as polling in general, has greatly improved in accuracy in recent years'.
Interestingly, given that out of office hours Bill White chairs the Ulster Unionists in South Belfast, the Toals odds put them in third place in the battleground seat.
The DUP launched its manifesto at the Ulster Hall this morning. There was an acknowledgment from the leader that "there is no perfect political party and if voters wait for perfection before they exercise their franchise they will wait long indeed". But the DUP did not dwell on its recent travails. Instead when I asked whether Peter Robinson's leadership was benefical or detrimental to the party in this election, Nigel Dodds sprang to a forthright defence of his leader's track record.
The party concentrated on the increasing possibility of a hung parliament and the chances it offers local politicians to cut a good deal for Northern Ireland. Although nominations are due to close tomorrow, the DUP says it would still back a last minute unity candidate for South Belfast (the victims campaigner Willie Fraser claims to have talked to all sides about being such a unity candidate, but instead he is putting his name forward in Newry and Armagh).
That said, in the event there's no deal the DUP say voters should return Jimmy Spratt as, it hopes, a tenth member of its Westminster team.
The 72 page DUP manifesto is stuffed full of proposals on everything from creating a special economic zone here to cutting the number of departments both at Stormont and at Whitehall.
On the economy, the DUP backs reducing VAT on construction work to 5% and lowering corporation tax. However did anyone consult the Finance Minister Sammy Wilson about this? The DUP manifesto says "We have a particularly strong case in Northern Ireland for a reduction in corporation tax. Northern Ireland suffers from having a land border with another EU state and a step change is needed in the province's economy. Any reduction in corporation tax for Northern Ireland should not be on the basis of a compensating reduction from elsewhere or the Northern Ireland block grant. "
However a published today from Sammy Wilson on a recent Economic Reform Group report advocating such a measure argues the Group's understanding is flawed and the Finance Minister "would advise against engaging further with HM Treasury on this issue at this point in time." Maybe Sammy will argue there's no direct contradiction because the DUP manifesto is calling for no cut to the local budget. Nevertheless the tone of his answer seems to jar with the manifesto pledge.
This lunchtime we broadcast the second in our special election editions of Inside Politics. We had an interview with the TUV leader Jim Allister, recorded on Friday, in which he indicated that in those seats where his party isn't standing his supporters should perhaps back the UUP rather than the DUP because of their opposition to devolving justice. Since the interview went on the air, Sammy Wilson has responded claiming this advice would have the Sinn Fein candidates "jumping for joy".
My live guest was the Sinn Fein President Gerry Adams. I recalled recording a previous Inside Politics in which Mr Adams was streaming with the cold but carried on regardless - this time the boot was on the other foot, as I'm suffering a touch of "man flu". I can reveal that the Adams patent remedy for these situations is plenty of Vitamin C and echinacea.
During the interview we covered the SDLP's rejection of a nationalist pact and the chances of Sinn Fein abandoning its long held policy of abstentionism in the event of a hung parliament (answer = zero). I also questioned him about the Brendan "Darkie" Hughes testimony on his involvement in specific murders and disappearances during the early 1970s. Anyone who listens to the last five minutes of the programme on the I Player will hear that it's not a topic which the Sinn Fein President wants to give any further "oxygen of publicity" to borrow a Margaret Thatcher phrase. He wouldn't give an answer on why Ed Moloney's book has not prompted defamation proceedings, but insisted it would be up to the voters to make their own judgements on who is telling the truth about the past.
With the campaign in full swing, candidates are vying to get extra TV coverage. But the Greens' Steven Agnew was surprised to find he got an unscheduled non-party non-political broadcast when an old edition of Just For Laughs was repeated a couple of weeks ago. Originally filmed a few years back, the Candid Camera style show trapped unsuspecting victims in Belfast's Botanic Park.
It showed a man chivalrously chasing after a lady who had not noticed her hat had blown off in the wind. However by the time he catches her he finds she already has another hat on her head. And yes, the victim, dear reader, was none other than Steven Agnew.
I'm not aware that the Icelandic eruption had any impact one way or another on David Ford's first meeting at Stormont today with his southern counterpart, Irish Justice Minister, Dermot Ahern. But it has brought the DUP MLA Jonathan Bell and Fine Gael Dublin councillor Gerry Breen together. Having got stranded on their way back from a European Committee of the Regions meeting the two politicians are now mutually working out their plans to return home via the Eurostar.
I've just recorded the regular weekly slot for tonight's Hearts and Minds, accompanying Ian Knox's cartoons. One anecdote from the DUP's Jim Wells was about canvassing in Ballynahinch. A DUP supporter told Mr Wells apologetically that he'd like to give him his vote but he'd decided to back the SDLP leader Margaret Ritchie to keep Sinn Fein's Caitriona Ruane out. The voter took a bit of persuading that this bit of tactical voting wouldn't work, as a change in electoral boundaries had now put him into the Strangford seat and Mr Wells was canvassing not on his own behalf but in support of his colleague Jim Shannon.
On the subject of Ian Knox cartoons, the public affairs consultants over at Stratagem tell me there' s an original to be won by whoever correctly predicts the winners of
It should have been Margaret Ritchie who made a joke about it as Ash is after all a Downpatrick based rock group. But Michelle Gildernew was the first to inject this week's eruption into the local campaign. She started a Sinn Fein event by thanking Iceland for sending us the cloud of volcanic ash, on the basis that as Agriculture Minister she hoped it would provide good fertiliser for farmers.
Whilst Sinn Fein were occupying an upstairs bar at the Waterfront, the SDLP had a more period setting in the old poor house, Clifton House in North Belfast. Various eighteenth century dignitaries looked down on us, and a musket was prominently displayed at the back of the room, as Ms Ritchie had a go at Sinn Fein for promising an "unrealistic" date of 2016 for Irish unity (I didn't get to check when would be realistic).
Over at the Sinn Fein event Gerry Adams claimed his party was providing leadership, and again criticised the SDLP leader for refusing to meet him (SDLP sources told me off for repeating this on Tuesday - they say their leader will meet Mr Adams, although she wants to discuss not pacts, but the economy and a shared future).
On the margins of both party's events politicians chatted about this afternoon's publication of a draft bill on parades. Will it change anything, or is it just the "Parades Commission Mark II" as David McNarry and Tom Elliot dubbed it? Does that matter if the Orange Order takes the opportunity of the rebranding exercise to start engaging in dialogue?
The new Justice Minister David Ford attended his first Executive meeting this afternoon. Under the draft bill he would get the power to ban a parade which currently rests with the Secretary of State. However he would have to get the joint backing of both the First and Deputy First Ministers before exercising this power - how likely is that?
UPDATE: Latest indications are that the draft bill now might not be published today.
Instead of battling over the image rights to an American model called Kristin, who started the week on a billboard pledging to vote for the DUP and then changed her mind switching to the Conservatives and Unionists (see below), shouldn't the two main unionist parties be sounding her out about the possibility of standing as their unity candidate in South Belfast?
I did a quick scan around to try to turn up some of the posed photos from the infamous UUP 2005 election campaign. I couldn't find them but if anyone else does feel free to supply a link.
However I did turn up this from Slugger O'Toole.
Blink and you might have missed it. Gerry Adams wrote to Margaret Ritchie offering cooperation in "specific constituencies" - code for Alec Maskey standing down in South Belfast in return for Fearghal McKinney doing the same in Fermanagh South Tyrone. The SDLP leader swiftly declined to meet the Sinn Fein President, instead lecturing him on his handling of the devolution of justice and his party's abstentionist stance. Mr Adams responded by accusing the SDLP of not treating the initiative seriously and rubbishing Alasdair McDonnell's attendancerecord at Westminster.
SDLP sources say that even if you took all the principled policy differences out of the equation the offer made no sense, as a Sinn Fein withdrawal from South Belfast would simply precipitate a unionist unity response in the seat.
However expect Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness to try to turn up the heat on the SDLP tonight and tomorrow accusing their rivals of being "vote splitters".
So, with the exception of the Real IRA contribution, April 12th went pretty much to script. David Ford started the day as the hot favourite, and ended it with a ministerial office in Castle Buildings.
The Ulster Unionists had dallied with the notion of supporting the SDLP. But with plenty of canvassing around unionist areas to be done they eventually decided that backing a nationalist without an obvious quid pro quo was a step too far. Hence the nomination of Danny Kennedy who had as much chance of becoming Justice Minister as he has of becoming MP for Newry and Armagh (a "Conservative marginal" as one local wag described it). The SDLP's Alban Maginness met a similar fate.
Mr Ford is now pledged to push ahead on tackling issues like prison reform, sentencing policy and the cost of legal aid. He says that dealing with anti-social behaviour, building safer communities and tackling re-offending "needs a broader, joined-up approach".
The question will be whether the Stormont Executive can deliver the "joined-up approach" which has so far eluded it. The omens from the competing nominations for the Justice brief aren't good.
Time is also tight. The cross community appointment of the minister is temporary, with a "sunset clause" which could see the new Department of Justice being dissolved in 2012 if a permanent solution cannot be found. Prior to that the May 2011 Assembly elections could lead to a wholesale review of the Stormont rules.
So the new minister doesn't have long to start to address some of the deep seated problems in his in-box.
That said, given the long hours of negotiations which preceded today, it would be churlish not to recognise Mr Ford's election as a breakthrough for the Stormont system. Whether it will make any difference to the long term business of marginalising the dissident republicans who sought to steal the headlines is quite another matter.
P.S. Yesterday one Stormont source led me to believe the draft parades bill may come as early as today - instead Martin McGuinness promised during his question time that it would be published "this week". Also during the questions, Gregory Campbell pounced on the Deputy First Minister for criticising Cardinal Brady over his handling of the allegations against Fr Brendan Smyth in the 1970s, whilst not being equally clear about his own activities during the same decade. The Deputy Speaker Francie Molloy swiftly moved matters on so we didn't get the benefit of Mr McGuinness's response.
I've just received a call from London to advise me that parliament has now been dissolved and no candidate can under any circumstances be referred to as an MP. Hence Gordon Brown MP is now just Gordon Brown. But one MP next to me (Martina Purdy) points out that one of our local candidates may still be spoken about in that way. Guess who?
UPDATE: Congratulations Axeman, Mrs Grey and Man of Pie. The answer was Sir Reg, who may or may not become an MP but will always be an Empey.
I've just come off air after hosting the first of a series of special election Inside Politics. My guests were the DUP leader Peter Robinson and the Greens' Steven Agnew.
Picking up on the deal in Fermanagh to back the independent unionist candidate Rodney Connor, Mr Robinson argued that although the DUP and the Conservatives and Unionists have already chosen their candidates in South Belfast there's still time for a deal to try to regain the seat for unionism from the SDLP.
No sooner had my programme finished than an e-mail dropped into my in-box from the leaders of the Orange Order and Royal Black preceptory in Sandy Row. It was a letter to Sir Reg Empey urging him to apply the Fermanagh model to South Belfast. The loyal orders went so far as to say that "we feel so strongly about this issue that we will direct our members and friends not to support any party that indicates they are not prepared to stand aside for an independent non-party candidate in South Belfast."
So that puts it up to Sir Reg. If he says yes then he would play into the hands of critics, like Steven Agnew on today's programme, who have branded the Fermanagh deal "sectarian". If he says no he risks the possibility of Orange Order voters boycotting Paula Bradshaw.
And if today's Sunday Times is to be believed the choice between the two unionist parties may in any case be a one election wonder as discussions continue about creating a single unionist force prior to next year's Assembly elections.
Tomorrow the Assembly votes on appointing a new Justice Minister with the Alliance leader David Ford expected to beat the SDLP's Alban Maginness to the job. This element of the Hillsborough deal is hitting its nominated deadline, but we are still waiting to see the promised draft bill on parades. The Hillsborough timetable envisaged its completion in late March and its publication in late March or early April. Some sources are telling me the draft bill will probably be published tomorrow.
After I told yesterday's Good Morning Ulster that the local campaign had got off to a fairly low key start, Ian Paisley Jr. got in touch to point out his contributions to You Tube. In this film from his workers appear so industrious that if this had been a Christmas campaign rather than an Easter one, I would have sworn he'd co-opted some of Santa's little helpers. In another more recent film entitled "Strategic Command" rousing music adds to the pseudo-military style.
If this is all too frenetic for you, then you could try relaxing to the strains of who have recorded a campaign song for Eamonn McCann.
Obviously all the local parties are using their websites to pump out their messages, but if you notice any other examples of innovative or different online campaigning let me know.
With the campaign officially underway there's still unfinished business to be completed in Fermanagh and South Tyrone, where negotiations on a possible unionist unity candidate are still underway, and South Antrim where the Conservatives rejected the UUP choice of local councillor Adrian Watson.
Now the is reporting that the UUP leader Sir Reg Empey might throw his hat in the ring. Mathematically this should be one of UCUNF's best chances of stealing a seat from the DUP. But what fate would befall the leader if he stood and failed to get elected? Maybe, thinking about it, no worse a fate than if the party were to lose its only outgoing MP and not make a breakthrough elsewhere.
So it's confirmed. We are to have another election on May 6th. As previously pointed out here, the Castlereagh council by-election got in first and will no doubt soak up most of the international media attention. But if the world's reporters have a few spare minutes, they may get to turn their thoughts to the other lesser contest between Messrs Brown, Cameron and Clegg.
Reading a press statement from the Conservative and Unionists' Ian Parsley last night, it's clear he would like the local contest to be a "mini-me" version of the UK election - vote Sylvia in North Down and get Gordon, vote Ian and get David.
But will the voters see it that way? Or will they make their decisions primarily on local concerns whether it be the parties' track records on power sharing and policing, the popularity of the outgoing MP, press coverage of party leaders' conduct, unionist unity and so on?
Although the UK wide mathematics points to the intriguing possibility of Northern Ireland politicians playing a "kingmaker" role in the next parliament, something I have written about elsewhere on our election website, history suggests local issues predominate in voters' minds when they go into the polling booth. You can read that piece
Since the Queen is hearing about the election on April 6th and we are going to the polls on May 6th here are two random facts linked to both dates. On polling day, Tony Blair will be celebrating his 57th birthday, and today Ian Paisley Senior is marking his 84th birthday. But who will be celebrating in the early hours of May 7th when the results start coming in?
I'm 